*also posted @ iluko.com website.
(A simple Exploratory Analysis on the Political Economy of the Philippines
“What ails the Philippines? What’s keeping its progress within the “turtle’s route”? Is there a possible cure ?” These questions basically inspired me to write this article. I am suppose to be resting today, but I just can’t resist to make a little “detour” in order to take a closer look on several issues that presently affects the Philippines as a whole. I think it was because I was struck by this thought- the Philippines is suffering. I just can’t help seeing a picture of an abandoned, scarred soul succumbed in illnesses – always in pain- this happened while I was reading about Filipino diaspora – it was a heartbreaking thought. This article seemed to, ‘wrote itself” after. I’ve chosen to focus on the following main points: the Philippines’ political exchange (in terms of the society’s political behavior), the existing quality of democracy in the Philippines, and its correlation to state effectiveness – reason being, I was inspired by a passage in an article written by Emmanuel S. De Dios, which states-
“Yet, the basic problem of the Philippine political economy remains: namely, the alienation of the vast majority of citizens from political life and their resulting, real powerlessness. Their massive and eager participation in periodic direct elections notwithstanding, many Filipinos continue to see politics as an abstract and distant affair, as a numinous experience, a form of entertainment or a cynical commercial exchange in the guise of civic function” (De Dios, E.S. “Local Politics and Local Economy”).
At present, the existence of disparaging political norms dominates the Philippine political arena. Widely viewed as a detrimental factor that hinders the economic growth and development of the country, even Filipino politicians themselves consider the prevailing political norms to be far from being helpful when it comes to the improvement of the country’s economic performance. The existence of situations such as “destructive politics” (a term used by the president herself) has been magnified by the sudden rise of propositions and grand initiatives (charter change, specifically) in response to the widely perceived detrimental political conduct in the Philippine politics.
Quality Democracy: Does it exist in the Philippines?
The Philippines is a nation governed by a democratic system of government. Democracy, being defined as “rule of the people”, is regarded as one of the goals of development and reform. In some circumstances, others perceive democracy to be of lesser importance compared to the other factors of development like higher income, equitable distribution, and longer life expectancy, among others. The writings of John Rawls, however, implies otherwise: “Civil liberties, including political rights, are not subject to political bargaining or to the calculus of social interest” (Rawls 1971, “A Theory of Justice” p.3).In principle, democracy is not only a type of political regime but also a form of state governance. Taking the first distinction into consideration, it can be said that adoption of such form of government aided the Philippines to recover after it regained its freedom from the clout of Martial law in 1986. It is in the later distinction however, that I would dwell on further. An argument presented in the book “Political Institutions and Development: Failed Expectations and Renewed Hopes”- the Global Development Network series), is deemed relevant to the Philippines. The hypothesis is that, “democratization under poor traditions of law and order and increasing corruptions, where competitive elections are first introduced before the establishment of major civil rights (personal freedom and safety, property, contracts, fair trial in court, etc.), could lead to weak institutions and low quality democracy.” The institutional capacity of a state is determined by the efficiency of the government. Thus, it is understood that a certain threshold of civil rights (law and order) should be allowed to exist alongside political rights- that is, democracy.
Democracy comes with multiple facets of power. In Weberian sense, a state (or a nation) is presumed to be ineffective without power. The question then would be – “What kind of power would that be? Michael Mann described two distinct classifications of State Power. Despotic state power refers to the power “without routine negotiation with civil society groups” exercised by states elites, and measured by intrusiveness or extensiveness of state intervention. On the other hand, infrastructural state power refers to “the ability of the state to penetrate civil society and to implement logistically political decision throughout the realm…”. It won’t be too hard to see that the Philippines continue to struggle on this. Thus, the issue of state effectiveness follow through – which is defined as “the state’s capacity to perform its core functions for the majority of its people”. Studies previously made identified quality of democracy as the key factor that is elemental to a successful implementation of democracy in a democratic form of government. In literature, it is stated that state effectiveness is largely dependent to the quality of democracy that exists in a particular country governed by a democratic government. The question then is, “can we measure the quality of democracy? How?” The answer is yes. Several quantitative/qualitative measures have been used by different organizations to assess quality of democracy (Bertelsmann Transformation Index, for example). Theoretically, the quality of democracy differs from country to country due to other related factors – and thus, some democratic countries become successful in terms of growth and development, while others fail. A more fundamental idea about quality democracy was clearly stated by Adam Przeworski in his book, “Sustainable Democracy”:
“If a government cannot perform basic state functions no matter how democratic its form may be, the people of the country would not be able to benefit from it. In this sense, the issues pertaining to the state are logically prior to those concerning the political regime”.
When democratization gained prominence in the past century, several East Asian countries shifted to a democratic form of government from authoritarian rule. It is widely perceived that formal institutions in these countries are basically exogenous, especially during the early part of transitional years. Political leaders, like any other individual, exemplify the same manner of heterogeneity in different dimensions. Therefore, they tend to differ in choices and preferences even in terms of policies and modes of governance. Thus, heterogeneity of political actors is central to the analysis of optimal policy choices. At this point, the issue of governance logically fits into the picture. Governance, defined as” the manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country’s economic and social resources for development” clearly explicated the role of governance in speeding up the process of development. It is of the essence therefore, that a definitive view on the quality of governance be clearly established- significantly due to the fact that governance is considered as “public goods” in itself. Such was elucidated further by Joseph E. Stieglitz when he wrote- “one of the most important public goods is the management of the government”.Hence, the quality of governance matters. Good governance has become a global trend over the past years, particularly in the discourse and practice of development. Due to the continuing challenge of poverty and social disparities, good governance- with emphasis on capacity development of institutions, have been slowly recognized as a determining factor (among many others) towards the realization of an envisioned “capable state”-which, ideally must be able to enforce deliverance of services responsibly to its citizens, especially to the marginalized sector – that, has been the overarching goal of development. In the case of the Philippines, exogenous trends were indeed, major contributors to the country’s economy – though its progress was that of a “turtle’s phase”, so to speak.
If I may try to make a layman’s assumption- resulting effect of effectuated structural adjustments, competition policies as well as economic reforms (deregulation, privatization, etc.) may have been different if a strong political will “to implement” was correspondingly reinforced. To point out a particular case, the Philippines’ decentralization may have been a “real success” (or more successful”) if the implementing rules and regulations ensured that deconcentration and devolution be implemented instantaneously. It is just a simple application of logic and common sense to understand that a mandate to “govern” goes hand in hand with “a given power”. In a simple scenario- if I would ask Pedro to go and buy “pandesal”, I must give him money so he can buy pandesal. I would be totally nuts to expect Pedro to give me a sack of pandesal later, if I did not give him money to pay for it, in the first place. In other words, a mandate of responsibility should be coupled with a “given power” to fulfill- logically, that is. Thus, “lack of political will” (in any assigned implementing body) to attain successful implementation of rules and regulations, generally impedes the maximization of effects and benefits when it comes to laws and policies in the Philippines.
A Simple Analogy of the present Political Exchange in the Philippines
In previous election years, it was undeniable that manifestations of alarming behavioral patterns subsisted within the Philippine society at large– such may have been existed even in the past that slowly becoming more pronounced and more defined occurrences at late. I say this base on highly discussed “improprieties” in connection to previous electoral processes- which presumably, are signs of the continual deterioration of the quality of political exchange in the Philippines. Such alteration in people’s political behaviour is significantly related to political exchange. In my understanding, the adverse effects of social constraints brought about by struggles in the past that besieged the Philippines seem to manifest in the existing quality of political participation portrayed by the majority. Probably seen as a more serious kind than the “voter’s paradox” problem, it could be perceived as a widespread regarding closer to what De Dios described in his article, “Local Politics and Local Economy’ as “a manifestation of simple disinterest in the process altogether…”. Furthermore, it could be an embodiment of what De Dios considers as a “more serious problem“, when he wrote: “Voters may continually participate in the (electoral) process, but they may be persuaded somehow to select candidates based on purely private, self-regarding considerations” (De Dios, E.S., 2007, “Local Politics and Local Economy”). Political exchange – ideally fulfilled through a dynamic political participation between actors in a political system is another issue that besieged the Philippine political economy. Theoretically, the quality of political participation in societies, significantly reflect the strength or weakness of formal institutions. Failure in political exchange may possibly lead to serious repercussions in terms of systematic procedures and to a possible breakdown of the system itself. Political exchange could also be closely, although not directly, related and affected by political and social constraints. Thus, the question follows, “what kind of political exchange exists in the Philippines?”
In my observation, political behaviors of political aspirants/candidates, more often than not, are given more weight in the arena of public discussions. The Philippine media seem to put more interest in subjection of such to public scrutiny (of course, as they say, they are “public figures” after all- if not a more “juicy and interesting” topic to talk about – that would attract further readers or viewers and therefore, would generally affect “ratings” and “paid advertisement”.. my apology to the readers for this obvious personal bias). That, being a given, “what about the other side of the story?” That was just one particular end. What about the political behavior of the voting public? I don’t know if it was just another adverse effect of whatever, but it seems to me that sometimes, the voting public’s motivational agendas and political choices are usually tolerated, and sometimes justified, in public regarding at the expense of more “publicize exposures” courtesy of the “politicians”. It is imperative to note that even in political exchanges, “It always takes two to tango”. In this case, it is obvious that both ends feed on each other. In this regard, the unforgettable “Hello Garci” scandal that “rocked the boat” in the 2004 presidential elections was more than the issues of wiretapping and cheating- more so, it was a manifestation of the public’s growing indifference and disregard to their civic duties and functions which greatly affect their social and communal interests (history would remind us that electoral protests due to vote buying among others appears to be a regular occurrence after the most recent elections) of the society as a whole.
I am inclined to assume then, that vote-buying exists because there are individuals who are willing to sell their votes, there are selfishly motivated ‘public servants”, and the rule of law is not promptly applied. I must say to the voting public that poverty, social injustices or any other social ails should not become an excuse for the voting public to sell their rights (votes). The same must be said to politicians – influence, opportunities and access to resources, doesn’t permit any “public servant” to exploit such and/or use for personal gain. To be really blatant about it, preservation of individual character and integrity is a personal concern. A lawful mandate is not necessarily a prerogative to it. That is, if a sense of nationalism still does exist in the Philippine society’s realm of consciousness – a will to safeguard the very institutions and processes that are essential to the Philippines’ overall well being.
Conclusions:
At present, it is deemed practical for the Philippines to look first into the quality of existing democracy before jumping off to other proposed ”means and/methods of cure”, in the hope of eradicating constraints (political, social, etc) perceived as hindrances to the overall development of the country. As a personal opinion, before we need a Charter Change, we have to ensure that we won’t be choke by it. Federalism, Parliamentalism or Presidentialism could not independently “cure the Philippine ailments”. Any grand initiative will not make any difference in the long run without prior establishment of a capable state characterize by a quality democracy, unified society, and a dynamic political exchange.
The widely perceived disparity concerning the formal institutions (political, governmental) and the Filipino citizen’s weakening affectation in terms of their political life is an evidence of deterioration in the Philippine’s political exchanges. Both ends, the voting public and politicians, must deliver the same integral quality of commitment towards the grand scheme of progress and development. Furthermore, ensuring the quality of the existing systems of governance as well as the effectiveness of governmental structures and the relevance of policies and procedures that affects public choices should become a priority at present, alongside majority responses and unified behavior of the citizen as a whole.
Any “expedition or search” must start from somewhere – beginning from that point, we may possibly find “the cure” to save the Philippines from total destruction. Attainment of such should become the “big goals” that every aspect of the Philippine society should aspire for, no matter how fragmented are the courses of action taken- in order to achieve a state of “development” that each Filipino so desire at the present times.
Copyright: Leofina Jane G. Galleta
©2009leofinajanegalleta. All Rights Reserved.
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November 11, 2009 — Leofina JaneShare this Post